Part I- The radical criticism from the West aims to conserve the subject of the West, or the West as Subject. The theory of pluralized ‘subject-effects’ undermines subjective sovereignty but often serves as a cover for the subject of knowledge. The history of Europe as Subject is shaped by the law, political economy, and ideology of the West. The critique of the sovereign subject actually inaugurates a new Subject. The conversation between Michel Foucault and Gilles Deleuze highlights the contributions of French poststructuralist theory, emphasizing the need for a persistent critique and the disclosure of society’s Other. However, they ignore the question of ideology and their own implication in intellectual and economic history. The references to Maoism and the workers’ struggle in their conversation are problematic and fail to address the international division of labor and global capitalism. Deleuze and Guattari’s definition of desire as a machine and the subject as lacking desire or lacking a fixed subject overlooks the relations between desire, power, and subjectivity. Their indifference to ideology hinders their ability to articulate a theory of interests. Foucault’s commitment to “genealogical” speculation and the rejection of the concept of ideology limit his engagement with ideological critique. The philosophers align themselves with bourgeois sociologists by mechanically opposing desire and interest. The philosophers reintroduce the undivided subject into the discourse of power, neglecting constitutive contradiction and the role of ideology. The valorization of the oppressed as subject and the dismissal of representation have implications for the intellectual’s role in reproducing social relations of production. The intellectual’s concrete experience can help consolidate the international division of labor. The contradiction between valorizing the oppressed’s concrete experience and being uncritical of the intellectual’s historical role is maintained through verbal slippages and dismissive tones. The production of theory is also a practice, and the opposition between abstract theory and applied practice is oversimplified.
Deleuze’s argument on representation is problematic because it combines two senses of representation: “speaking for” in politics and “re-presentation” in art or philosophy. The theoretician does not represent the oppressed group, as theory is considered “action” and the subject is not seen as a representative consciousness. There is a discontinuity between representation within state formation and the law, and representation in subject-predication. The analogy used to cover up this discontinuity reflects a paradoxical subject-privileging. Theorizing intellectuals or parties cannot represent those who act and struggle. The differences between consciousness and conscience, representation and re-presentation, are buried in the critique of ideological subject-constitution. Marx’s concept of class as a descriptive and transformative concept involves differential definitions and the isolation of classes. Class consciousness does not aim to create an undivided subject where desire and interest coincide. Marx constructs models of a divided and dislocated subject in both the economic and political realms. The relationship between representation and rhetoric as tropology and persuasion is an old debate. Marx’s passage on the small peasant proprietors highlights the dislocated and incoherent nature of their consciousness and representation. The development of transformative class consciousness is not a task engaging the ground level of consciousness. Marx’s formulations show a cautious respect for the critique of individual and collective subjective agency. The exclusion of the family in Marxism is part of the masculine frame within which it emerged. The solution does not lie in replacing the family or including a monolithic collectivity of women. Marx uses the concept of the patronymic to discuss representation as Vertretung in the context of artificial and second-level consciousness. Representation in the economic context is Darstellung, the philosophical concept of representation as staging or signification. The exchange value of commodities represents their value in the economic context.
According to Marx, value under capitalism is determined by necessary and surplus labor, which is distinct from human activity. Capitalist exploitation is seen as a form of domination rather than just the extraction of surplus value. The relationship between global capitalism and nation-state alliances cannot fully account for the complexities of power. Theories of ideology and representation are necessary to understand the micrological texture of power. Radical practice should focus on representations rather than reintroducing the individual subject through totalizing concepts of power and desire. Reduction of Marx to a benevolent figure often serves the interest of launching new theories of interpretation. Foucault and Deleuze argue that there is no representation or signifier, and theory is a relay of practice. The oppressed can know and speak for themselves, reintroducing the constitutive subject. The intellectuals become transparent in the relay race, reporting on the nonrepresented subject and analyzing power and desire. The refusal of the sign-system blocks the way to a developed theory of ideology. Foucault’s notion of the apparatus is not solely linguistic, despite his expertise in discourse analysis. Edward W. Said criticizes Foucault for obliterating the role of classes, economics, insurgency, and rebellion in his analysis of power. The surreptitious subject of power and desire is marked by the transparency of the intellectual. French intellectuals struggle to imagine the power and desire of the Other of Europe. The constitution of the Other of Europe was aimed at dislocating interests, motives, and power for economic reasons. The intellectual’s complicity in the constitution of the Other as the Self’s shadow should be acknowledged. The economic factor should be seen as irreducible and reinscribing the social text, even if it is erased as the final determinant.
Part II- The author then discusses the concept of epistemic violence, which refers to the harm caused by the redefinition of knowledge and the imposition of dominant narratives. The author suggests that the project to constitute the colonial subject as the Other is an example of epistemic violence. This project involves erasing the identity and subjectivity of the Other. Foucault locates the origins of epistemic violence in the redefinition of sanity in Europe during the 18th century. However, the author questions whether this redefinition was only a part of a larger narrative of history in both Europe and the colonies. The author argues that the narrative of history as imperialism should not be seen as the best version of history, but rather as a normative one that establishes a particular explanation and narrative of reality. The essay then focuses on the codification of Hindu Law in British India as an example of epistemic violence. It discusses how the British education system and the study of Sanskrit contributed to the marginalization and repression of indigenous knowledge and culture. The author highlights the role of authoritative scholars and colonial administrators in shaping the narrative of Hindu society and the intentions of the Brahmans. The text also raises questions about the ability of the subaltern, or the oppressed and marginalized groups, to speak and have their voices heard within the framework of epistemic violence. The Subaltern Studies group is mentioned as a collective of intellectuals who aim to rethink Indian colonial historiography from the perspective of peasant insurgencies and challenge elitist narratives. The author acknowledges the heterogeneity of the colonized subaltern subject and the need to consider their agency and experiences in understanding history.
The essay discusses the concept of the subaltern and the challenges faced in understanding and representing their consciousness. The text emphasizes the heterogeneity and regional variations within the subaltern class, leading to ambiguities and contradictions in their attitudes and alliances. The research on the subaltern aims to investigate and measure the deviation from the ideal and situate it historically.
The essay also highlights the essentialist agenda hidden within the postrepresentationalist vocabulary used in subaltern studies. It argues that the subaltern’s identity is defined by its difference from the elite, and the research is oriented towards understanding this structure. The text critiques the notion of a pure form of consciousness and emphasizes the need for a developed theory of ideology.
Furthermore, the essay explores the association of consciousness with knowledge and the importance of ideological production in understanding social relations. It discusses the limitations of representing the subaltern subject and the challenges in tracing their itinerary and offering a seductive object of representation.
The text also touches upon the critique of Guha’s search for subaltern consciousness and the rejection of Marxism by Foucault and Deleuze. It argues that all three share the assumption of a pure form of consciousness but approach it from different perspectives.
Additionally, the text discusses the importance of what a work cannot say and the measurement of silences in investigating the deviation from an ideal. It emphasizes the need for a multidisciplinary approach and a political-economic reinscription of the terrain.
In the second part, the text addresses the question of the consciousness of the subaltern and the role of the historian as a receiver of insurgency. It highlights the need to suspend one’s own consciousness and avoid freezing the insurgency into an object of investigation or a model for imitation. The text also mentions the challenges faced in using the notion of the feminine within subaltern historiography and the double effacement of sexual difference within the subaltern subject.
The contemporary international division of labor is a result of nineteenth-century territorial imperialism, where first-world countries invest capital and third-world countries provide a field for investment. Transportation, law, and standardized education systems were developed to maintain the circulation and growth of industrial capital during territorial imperialism. Decolonization, the growth of multinational capital, and the relief of administrative charge have changed the nature of development and hindered the growth of consumerism in third-world countries. Cheap labor is maintained through an absence of labor laws, totalitarian states, and minimal subsistence requirements. International subcontracting has increased, allowing developed countries to outsource labor-intensive stages of production to third-world countries with cheap labor. Class mobility is slow in third-world countries, and there is a growing interest in alliance politics among indigenous dominant groups and women of dominant social groups. The urban subproletariat, particularly females, face exploitation compounded by patriarchal social relations. There are people outside the international division of labor, such as subsistence farmers and unorganized peasant labor, whose consciousness cannot be fully understood without representing ourselves. Deleuze and Foucault overlook the epistemic violence of imperialism and the international division of labor, focusing on localized resistance and power dynamics. The international division of labor is maintained through restrictions on immigration, repression in factories, and struggles against youth and the educational system. Foucault’s analysis lacks awareness of the topographical reinscription of imperialism and consolidates the effects of a restricted version of the West. The emergence of a new mechanism of power in the seventeenth and eighteenth centuries, secured through territorial imperialism, is overlooked by Foucault. The collapse of Fascism and decline of Stalinism are seen as part of the second wave of geographical discontinuity. Foucault’s emphasis on national scenes, resistance to economics, and concepts like power and desire privilege micrology and ignore the production of the West by the imperialist project. The clinic, asylum, prison, and university are allegories that prevent a broader reading of imperialism narratives. Critics of imperialism must address sanctioned ignorance.
Part III- There is a general understanding that Foucault deals with real history, politics, and social problems, while Derrida is seen as inaccessible and esoteric. Terry Eagleton criticizes Derrida’s work as unhistorical, politically evasive, and oblivious to language as discourse. Perry Anderson argues that Derrida’s work represents the self-cancellation of structuralism and accuses him of convicting Foucault and Levi-Strauss of a “nostalgia of origins.” The paper argues that a nostalgia for lost origins can hinder the exploration of social realities within the critique of imperialism. Anderson fails to see the encroachment of the unacknowledged Subject of the West in Foucault’s later work. Edward Said’s aphorism suggests that Derrida’s criticism focuses on the text, while Foucault’s encompasses both the text and the world. The paper discusses Derrida’s work on grammatology as a positive science and its relevance for people outside the First World. Derrida explores the issue of how to prevent the ethnocentric Subject from defining an Other and consolidating its own subject status. Derrida critiques the production of the colonial subject and highlights the complicity between writing, power, desire, and capitalization. Derrida argues that grammatology operates within the discourse of presence and is not just a critique of presence. The paper emphasizes the importance of Derrida’s critique of European ethnocentrism in the constitution of the Other. Derrida’s work is seen as useful for analyzing the mechanics of the constitution of the Other and the processes of disciplinarization and institutionalization. Foucault’s work on disciplinarization and institutionalization is also considered useful for understanding the decay of the West, but caution is needed to avoid disguising the investigating subject’s complicity in transparency.
Part IV- The essay then explores the question of whether the subaltern, particularly subaltern women, can speak and be heard. It highlights the challenges faced by poor, black, and female individuals in society. The author argues that the concept of ‘color’ loses its significance in the postcolonial context and that race-consciousness is forbidden by both the Right and the Left. The text emphasizes the importance of recognizing and addressing the consciousness and subjectivity of subaltern women. It acknowledges the need for feminist and antisexist work, as well as the retrieval of information in anthropology, political science, history, and sociology. However, it cautions against constructing a consciousness or subject that aligns with imperialist subject-constitution. The author also discusses the debate between positivism and theory, highlighting the limitations of both approaches. The text concludes by drawing parallels between Freud’s use of women as scapegoats and the positionality of postcolonial intellectuals as investigating subjects. It explores the relationship between brown and white men and the abolition of widow sacrifice in India, emphasizing the need to consider the voices and experiences of the subaltern women involved.
The protection of women, particularly those in the “third-world,” is seen as a signifier of a good society that goes beyond mere legality. The process of redefining certain practices, such as ritual, as crimes is significant in the context of Hindu law and the transition from a mercantile to a territorial British presence. The abolition of sati (widow self-immolation) is seen as admirable, but there is a question of whether understanding its origin can lead to interventionist possibilities. Imperialism is associated with the protection of women, but there is a need to examine the patriarchal strategy behind it and the move from “Britain” to “Hinduism.” The Dharmasästra and Rg-Veda are mentioned as representing the archaic origin in the author’s examination of the fabrication of repression and the counternarrative of women’s consciousness. The text explores the philosophical space surrounding suicide and self-immolation, particularly for widows, and the ideological production of the sexed subaltern subject. The prevalence of widow self-immolation in Bengal is attributed to factors such as population control and communal misogyny, as well as the inheritance rights of widows. The discourse surrounding widow self-immolation is marked by a différend, or inaccessibility of discourse, between the British perception of heathen ritual and crime. The ambiguity of the indigenous colonial elite’s position is highlighted in the romanticization of self-sacrificing women and the conflicting notions of freedom. The gravity of sati is compared to the gravity of imperialism, both ideologically cathected as “reward” and “social mission” respectively. The text states that the constitution of the female subject in life is the place of the différend, and emphasizes that the author is not advocating for the killing of widows.
In the 18th century, the British in India collaborated with Brahmans to determine the legality of suttee, a practice where widows self-immolate on their husband’s funeral pyre, based on their interpretation of Hindu law. The collaboration between the British and Brahmans was often idiosyncratic and sometimes confused. The British authorities were concerned that their collaboration with Brahmans made it seem like they condoned suttee. When the law was finally written, the history of collaboration was erased, and the language celebrated the noble Hindu who opposed the practice. The practice of suttee was categorized with murder, infanticide, and the exposure of the elderly. The fate of widows regressing to a state of stasis was unquestioned, while the exceptional prescription of self-immolation was actively debated. The legal asymmetry between men and women defined women as objects of their husbands and operated in the interest of men. The self-immolation of widows was seen as a release from individual agency and emphasized the misfortune of having a female body. Female self-immolation in the face of conquering male armies legitimized rape and celebrated territorial acquisition. The broader question of the constitution of the sexed subject was hidden by the focus on the visible violence of suttee. The authority for the practice of suttee was based on a misreading of a passage from the Rg-Veda, which was not addressed to widows but to living wives. The word “yoni” in the context of the passage adds a paradoxical strength to the authority claim for widows’ self-immolation. The word “sati” transcends gender-specific notions and represents the True, the Good, and the Right. The feminine form of the word simply means “good wife.”
The term “sati” or “suttee” refers to the rite of widow self-immolation in India, and its name is a result of a grammatical error made by the British. The British imposed their own ideological beliefs on Indian women by associating self-immolation with being a good wife, thereby restricting their freedom. Edward Thompson’s book on suttee justifies imperialism as a civilizing mission without questioning the British’s motives or actions. The author criticizes Thompson’s representation of India as a continuous and homogeneous entity, ignoring the diversity and complexity of the country. The author argues that the names of the satis (women who committed sati) in Bengal were misspelled and misrepresented, leading to inaccurate sociological evidence. The author discusses the mythological origins of the term “sati” and its association with the Hindu goddess Durga, highlighting the complex and contested nature of its meaning. The author challenges the notion that classical Hinduism or Indian culture is inherently feminist, as the image of the “luminous fighting Mother Durga” was erased in favor of the ritual burning of widows. The author explores the case of Bhuvaneswari Bhaduri, a young woman who committed suicide in 1926, and suggests that her act was a subaltern rewriting of the social text of sati-suicide. The author acknowledges the influence of Jacques Derrida’s deconstruction in their analysis and critiques the dangers of appropriating the other through assimilation. The author concludes that the subaltern, particularly the female subaltern, is silenced and marginalized, and representation still plays a significant role in shaping discourse and understanding.